Suchergebnisse

The World Trade Organization's (WTO) Singapore Ministerial Conference in December, 1996, represented the first review of where the WTO was almost two years after the Marrakech signing. Unfortunately, neither in implementing Marrakech agreements nor in dealing with new issues is the post-Singapore state of the world trading system fundamentally better off than before. Nothing was done to correct the "sham liberalization" in the phasing out of market access restrictions in textiles and clothing. By backloading liberalization of the most sensitive clothing products to the latest possible time, an impasse is being created which could well cause but yet another delay in eliminating these quantitative restrictions, which are very costly in terms of allocative efficiency. The core of market access was seemingly brushed over to make room for an agreement on free trade in information technology products, which is flawed for two reasons. First, it excludes highly protected consumer electronics and second, it expanded the international marketing "cartel" for semiconductors to include the EU and Korea (plus founding members US and Japan). Anti-dumping measures (ADMs), the essence of so-called contingent protection, have continued to play a major role in trying to reduce competition, but the Ministerial widely ignored this fact. Though their use by industrialized countries has slowed down noticeably, developing countries pose a new threat by enacting ADMs all the more, particularly against other developing countries. The Singapore Ministerial failed to clearly set the stage for fulfilling the WTO's brief as a universal institution. No clear guidelines were established to quickly and effectively bring Russia and China into the WTO. Instead, the status quo of enforcing unilateral actions against a state-trading economy still appeals to industrialized countries, probably for mainly non-economic reasons. In perhaps one of its most important decisions, the Singapore Ministerial set up a working group to examine competition policies. Yet the key question is whether trade liberalization and GATT/WTO discipline will be best served by adding to the trading system a global codex, harmonizing national competition policies ex ante, or by mutually recognizing well-functioning national competition policies. While sound economic arguments support the latter, prevailing country-of-destination principles conjure up concerns that the former will dictate the approach. Finally, it may be too early to extrapolate the current success of the dispute settlement mechanism (DSM). It still remains to be seen whether Contracting Parties will really accept decisions against their expressed interests in issues of critical importance, or where national security arguments are invoked. So far, however, the success of the DSM has exceeded expectations.

In the first part of this project the Labor Code (LC) in Panama was analyzed with respect to its impact on the demand for labor. This entailed firms (i.e., employers) being surveyed in connection with their views about the implications of the LC. Specifically they were requested to respond to the following general questions: How has the LC affected their employment/remuneration policies? How did they perceive specific parts of the Code? How would they react to certain hypothetical changes in regulations/ policies? What would they themselves suggest in the way of modifications to or radical changes in labor market policies in Panama?

The above quotes exemplify quite well the strange world in which we live: on the one hand governments over the last 30 years have generally attempted to enact measures to liberalize international trade (and as a matter of fact the movement of factors of production) so as to be able to profit - in the form of higher employment levels - from a more efficient allocation of resources. On the other hand, in many of the same countries governments (and/or unions) have effected (or supported) measures for domestic labor markets, the impact of which runs counter to the expected gains from a reduction in trade barriers. In other words, while a rapid expansion of international trade may have contributed significantly to creating employment, measures affecting the training, employment, remuneration and/or social security of the working-age population may well have caused jobs or job opportunities to disappear or job-seeking activities to be otherwise structured.

Diese Studie diskutiert mögliche Strategien der Entwicklungsländer bei den Verhandlungen über den internationalen Dienstleistungshandel im Rahmen der WTO-Doha- Entwicklungs-Runde. Die Liberalisierung von Dienstleistungsimporten (u.a. durch ausländische Direktinvestitionen) führt tendenziell zu höherer Angebotsqualität und niedrigeren Preisen, wenn der Wettbewerb zwischen den Anbietern intensiver wird. Dies dürfte vor allem bei Produzentendienstleistungen zutreffen (Transport, Finanzdienstleistungen, Telekommunikation). Weniger eindeutig ist die Nutzen-Kosten-Abwägung bei Infrastrukturdienstleistungen mit Netzmonopolen (Wasser- und Energieversorgung) oder wenn gesellschaftlich wünschenswerter Konsum durch Armut begrenzt wird (Gesundheitsdienstleistungen, Bildung). Schließlich werden die meisten Dienstleistungsexporte der Entwicklungsländer kaum durch Einfuhrbarrieren der Industrieländer behindert. Falls allerdings als Ergebnis der Doha-Runde die zeitlich begrenzte Arbeitsmigration aus Entwicklungsländern in Industrieländer zur Erbringung von Dienstleistungen (Erbringungsart 4 nach GATS) erleichtert würde, könnte dies erhebliche Einkommensgewinne der Entwicklungsländer nach sich ziehen. ; This paper discusses possible strategies for developing countries in negotiations on trade in services in the ongoing WTO Doha Development Round (DR). The liberalization of service imports (including through direct investment) will generate benefits through higher quality, lower prices, and better access mainly if competition among suppliers is enhanced. This is typically the case for producer services, such as domestic and international transport, financial services, and telecommunications. By contrast, the rationale for import liberalization is less clear for consumer or infrastructure services with network monopolies (such as water or energy distribution) or when demand is constrained by poverty (health care, education). In such cases, carefully calibrated government policies, possibly with international donor support, may be required to achieve a socially optimal level of supply. Finally, most service exports by developing countries face few import barriers in industrialized countries. However, under the GATS, service exports could also be delivered through temporary movement of natural persons. If Doha Development Round negotiations were to increase opportunities for temporary labor migration, the benefits to developing countries could be large.

Several developments in international trade in services impact strongly on developing countries: First, the world-wide diffusion of information technologies (IT) has created new export opportunities for developing countries in IT services. Second, the recently proclaimed Millennium Development Goals for poverty reduction can only be attained if key services are provided more efficiently in developing countries - particularly through the liberalization of service imports. Third, in the ongoing Doha Development Round (DR) of trade negotiations, developing countries are asked to formally commit to liberalizing their service imports under the terms of the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS). Developing countries will benefit from liberalizing service imports if liberalization enhances competition on the supply side. This is typically the case for producer services, such as domestic and international transport, financial services, and telecommunications. The lifting of restrictions on the market access by foreigners (including through direct investment) will often improve service quality or lower prices and thereby enhance the international competitiveness of downstream industries. In Doha Development Round negotiations, therefore, developing countries may find it useful to commit to liberalizing imports of producer services. By contrast, the benefits of import liberalization are less clear for some consumer services where supply is subject to network monopolies (e.g., water and energy distribution) or demand is constrained by poverty (health care, education). Here, achieving a socially optimal level of supply may require carefully calibrated government policies, possibly with international donor support. For developing countries, such sectors should not be priority areas for commitments on service imports under the GATS. Most service exports by developing countries, especially IT services transmitted electronically, face few import barriers in industrialized countries. However, under the GATS, service exports may also be delivered through temporary movement of natural persons, e.g., developing country nationals working in industrialized countries without becoming residents there. If Doha Development Round negotiations were to increase opportunities for such temporary labor migration, the benefits to developing countries could be huge.

This paper is based on a report commissioned by UNCTAD to serve as an input for the 1986 Trade and Development Report. The views expressed here within are solely those of the authors. Furthermore, the publication of this report should in no way be interpreted as official sanctioning or approval of the contents by UNCTAD, nor should even tacit agreement by UNCTAD with the approach, analysis or conclusions be assumed. The report itself attempts to shed some light on a subject which is of paramount importance in international economics, but which has been given surprisingly little attention. The approach taken is based on mainstream economic thought, whereby every effort has been taken to couch the text in terms understandable to informed politicians, businessmen and laymen. This seemed to be essential should the message embodied in this paper be easily absorbed. The authors nonetheless admit that whether the message is accepted depends - inter alia - on the willingness of the reader to allow deductions from an eclectic approach to be generalized upon. Despite this weakness the authors hope that serious discussions will be induced with the aim of improving the international allocation of resources so as to increase the welfare of all parties concerned. In light* of current or rather continuing financial constraints faced by many developing countries, a more efficient use of resources leading to higher income levels must surely be a goal which can be generally agreed upon.

[Vorwort] Der vorliegende Band "Beschäftigungsprobleme in Industriestaaten" wurde vom Institut für Weltwirtschaft an der Universität Kiel erarbeitet. Er ist Teil einer Serie von 3 Forschungsaufträgen, die die Bundesanstalt für Arbeit unter Betreuung durch das ihr angeschlossene Institut für Arbeitsmarkt- und Berufsforschung zum Thema "Der Arbeitsmarkt in der Europäischen Gemeinschaft" im Sommer 1974 vergab. Mit der Vergabe dieser Forschungsaufträge wurde dem Umstand Rechnung getragen, daß die zunehmenden wirtschaftlichen Verflechtungen zwischen einzelnen Ländern, die weitere Entwicklung von supranationalen Integrationsräumen, aber auch die mit unterschiedlichem Tempo verlaufenden nationalen berufsstrukturellen, sektoralen und sozioökonomischen Veränderungen im Rahmen der Arbeitsmarkt- und Berufsforschung stärkere Forschungsanstrengungen notwendig machten. Mit dem Projekt "Beschäftigungsprobleme in Industriestaaten" sollte zum einen eine vergleichbare statistische Datenbasis für alle jene Personengruppen geschaffen werden, die in den letzten Jahren zunehmend in den Mittelpunkt arbeitsmarktpolitischer Diskussionen rückten: Insbesondere also jüngere und ältere Arbeitslose und arbeitslose Frauen. Zum zweiten sollte auf die Ursachen dieser Entwicklung eingegangen und auffallende Abweichungen zwischen einzelnen Ländern begründet werden. Die Autoren untersuchten unter diesem Gesichtspunkt die Länder Italien, Belgien, Frankreich, Bundesrepublik Deutschland, Großbritannien und die USA, wobei weitgehend auf Ergebnisse von Volkszählungen zurückgegriffen wurde. Für die Erklärung der vorgefundenen Diskrepanzen im Beschäftigungssystem verwenden sie Hypothesen der neoklassischen Theorie, die mit Hilfe des empirischen Materials belegt werden sollen. Es ist abschließend noch darauf hinzuweisen, daß Fremdbeiträge nicht unbedingt die Meinung des Instituts für Arbeitsmarkt- und Berufsforschung bzw. der Bundesanstalt für Arbeit wiedergeben.